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How to secure the nuclear peace remains one of the most profound questions of the modern era. Twenty years after the end of the Cold War and with the arrival of a new administration in Washington, it is time to think through fundamental questions about the purposes of nuclear deterrence and the character of the U.S. strategic posture. While the existential threat to the United States has decreased, the rising threat of catastrophic terrorism, the possession and spread of nuclear weapons by other states, and a general worldwide nuclear renaissance continue to influence decisions about America’s strategic posture.
Recognizing the changing character of these threats, Congress formed a commission in 2008 to examine the United States’ long-term strategic posture and make recommendations. For more than eleven months this bipartisan commission of leading experts on national security, arms control, and nuclear technology met with Congressional leaders, military officers, high-level officials of several countries, arms control groups, and technical experts to assess the appropriate roles for nuclear weapons, nonproliferation programs, and missile defenses. This official edition contains a discussion of key questions and issues as well as the Commission’s findings and recommendations for tailoring U.S. strategic posture to new and emerging requirements as the world moves closer to a proliferation tipping point.
The Commission members include:
William J. Perry, Chairman
James R. Schlesinger, Vice-Chairman
Nine experts examine the East-West arms control experience to identify lessons that could be applied to the Middle East. The authors pinpoint specific near-term actions, particularly confidence-and-security-building measures, that might be explored now, whether or not they are linked to formal peace negotiations.
Each chapter pairs a co-author who has detailed knowledge of a particular East-West arms control approach with a co-author who has extensive experience in the Middle East Region.
Written in clear, jargon-free prose, this book will be especially useful to Middle East specialists and students of arms control as well as readers with a general interest in Middle East Affairs.
Whatever happened to multilateral peacekeeping? This is the central question Jean-Marc Coicaud explores in this penetrating scholarly examination of the period of “robust” UN-mandated peacekeeping missions in humanitarian crises. The most notable peace operations during this period were undertaken by the three leading NATO powers—the United States foremost among them—in the immediate post–Cold War era. Yet, as Coicaud explains, the international democratic solidarity that unified their multilateral action against a Soviet threat was stretched thin in the post–Cold War era, which manifested an entirely new set of threats to international security—such as ethnic cleansing and failed states. The three leading Western powers were ill-equipped to handle them effectively in terms of the fundamental political theory and applied political philosophy that generally informed their traditional foreign policies. The book concludes with guidelines for more effective realization of international interests among the Western powers and an afterword on the book’s lessons applied to Darfur.
Recipient of "Outstanding Academic Book" Award—CHOICE, 2006
With breathtaking speed, the republics of the former Soviet Union have been transformed into independent states expected to perform their own foreign policy functions. Yet many of these republics have little experience in foreign relations, and their appearance on the international stage may upset power balances in regions that are already unstable.
The new Central Asian states in particular are becoming of increasing interest to the West, because of their enormous resource base, especially oil and gas; their large, mostly Muslim, population; and their relative proximity to the volatile Middle East. But there is a dearth of informed analysis on this much misunderstood region.
This timely volume helps fill that gap by closely examining the developing foreign policies of the Central Asia republics—especially Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. It describes in detail how they handled their transitions to statehood and draws important conclusions about the implications for regional and international peace and security.
The concept of a “middle ground” between simple peace enforcement and traditional peacekeeping by lightly armed observers has been both ill defined and controversial. But the authors of this thoughtful yet challenging volume make a strong case for both the practicability and the desirability of such operations.
“Coercive inducement”—the term was suggested by Kofi Annan, when he was undersecretary general for peacekeeping—is a form of coercive diplomacy that relies more on the deployment and demonstration of military force than on the use of force per se. In the absence of such an option, the international community finds it hard to respond to a variety of crises, including ones that can spiral into genocide.
After first laying out general principles, the book explores four recent UN operations (in Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, and Haiti) in which coercive inducement was particularly relevant, and then presents operational guidelines for its use. Clear-sighted and pragmatic throughout, the authors conclude by suggesting when and to what extent the international community should commit itself to undertake coercive inducement.
Three of the most successful peace processes of the 1990s—El Salvador, South Africa, and Guatemala—experienced worse violent crime after their wars concluded. Organized crime in Bosnia deepened after the 1995 Dayton peace agreement. These and other cases of post-conflict societies displaying serious and persistent problems of citizen insecurity and an absence of the rule of law underscore one of the central challenges of international security in the twenty-first century: How can external actors not only establish security in the immediate aftermath of war, but also create self-sustaining systems of justice and security?
In Constructing Justice and Security after War, the distinguished contributors—including scholars, criminal justice practitioners, and former senior officials of international missions—examine the experiences of countries that have recently undergone transitions from conflict with significant international involvement. The volume offers generalizations based on careful comparisons of justice and security reforms in some of the most prominent and successful cases of transitions from war of the 1990s drawn from Central America, Africa, the Balkans, and East Timor.
The contributors also offer answers to the question How can societies emerging from armed conflict create systems of justice and security that ensure basic rights, apply the law effectively and impartially, and enjoy popular support?
In practically all the peacekeeping operations of the 1990s, a postconflict reconstruction gap of almost one year separates the end of military peacekeepers' mission of halting mass violence from the start of removing mines as well as rebuilding and repairing the host country's physical infrastructure: roads and bridges, public utilities, and buildings.
In this timely work, Colonel Garland Williams analyzes the postconflict reconstruction gap in three case studies—Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan—and shows how military engineering brigades accompanying peacekeeping contingents can be put to use immediately after the conflict ends to restore vital infrastructure and social institutions. In the book's concluding chapter, Williams proposes changes in U.S. national security decision making to integrate military engineering brigades into postconflict reconstruction, thus making U.S. military officials less wary of “mission creep” and nation-building.
Northeast Asia is a region with highly disparate levels of industrialization and political systems. It also contains some very troubling security flashpoints—the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the East China Sea. China’s rapacious quest for energy and rapid industrial expansion have led to intense international competition—with Japan and the United States—and internal instability as well. North Korea poses two distinct environmental security threats: “famine refugees” and the regime’s use of “nuclear blackmail” for subsidized energy. Yet there is very little regional cooperation, despite the need to manage disputes over energy, natural resources, and pervasive pollution. The Environmental Dimension of Asian Security examines these issues through a “regional environmental security complex” that explores the potential for greater intersubjective understandings of regional environmental and natural resource problems and greater institutional collaboration and management.
Can Russia and the United States really move beyond their bitter Cold War rivalry to a genuinely cooperative relationship?
Yes, argues distinguished diplomat James Goodby, but only if the United States, together with its European allies, promotes a new "logic of peace" to which NATO enlargement could contribute. During the nuclear standoff, a network of norms, rules, and structures kept the peace between the superpowers in Europe. Today, a new logic must be established, one that builds on mutual concerns to combat nuclear terrorism, reduce nuclear weaponry, and avoid the kind of bloodshed seen in the former Yugoslavia.
Drawing on the lessons of the Cold War and its immediate aftermath, Goodby analyzes the prospects for achieving a secure and democratic Euroatlantic community. He challenges policymakers and public alike to embrace a new vision of U.S.-Russian cooperation.
Faced with domestic security challenges including sectarian extremism, drug trafficking, illegal commodity smuggling, endemic corruption, and systemic problems with the provision of justice and law enforcement, Pakistan is a critical but vulnerable partner of the United States in the global war on terrorism. While much has been written about U.S. military assistance to Pakistan and the ever-evolving political relations between the two countries, basic questions of highest policy significance related to Pakistan’s internal security have never been fully studied or considered.
In this volume, the authors offer a comprehensive examination of Pakistan’s internal security environment and the effectiveness of its criminal justice structures and assess the impact and utility of the principal United States initiatives to help Pakistan strengthen its internal security. They raise some difficult questions about present U.S. government assistance to President Musharraf and the army; while instrumental in the short-term Global War on Terror (GWOT), will US assistance seriously impede the long-term prospects for peace and prosperity in Pakistan?
Supported by truly impressive fieldwork, this timely and detailed book offers a blunt but objective study that is sure to be widely read and hotly debated by analysts, intelligence personnel, and policymakers in both the United States and Pakistan.