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Taking an in-depth look at cases of the two Germanys, the United States and China, and Israel and Egypt, Armstrong examines why initiatives by Brandt, Nixon/Carter and Mao, and Sadat and Begin succeeded where previous attempts at rapprochement had failed.
The book looks first at the available theory and then at rapprochemnet in practice. Were there, the author asks, similarities between the three cases in terms of the prevailing international circumstances, the strategies and tactics adopted in the pursuit of improved relations, and the formal negotiations that ushered in the new relationships? Armstrong concludes that some underlying principles did indeed govern the shift from mutual antagonism to mutual acceptance--principles that may apply equally in today's post-Cold War world.
Japanese representatives bring to the negotiating table a distinctive mind-set and behavioral style, one that’s largely free of gamesmanship and histrionics but that’s nonetheless frequently exasperating.
This volume explores four recent U.S.–Japanese negotiations—two over trade, two over security-related issues—looking for patterns in Japan’s approach and behavior. In the first three cases, veteran Japanologist Michael Blaker finds the same fundamental style—coping. “Coping captures the go-with-the-flow essence of the Japanese bargaining approach”: cautious, methodical, low key, resistant, apprehensive, and above all defensive. In the fourth case, Ezra Vogel and Paul Giarra recount how the United States and Japan fashioned a new security framework for their relationship in the 1990s. Vogel and Giarra show that close personal relationships, mutual trust, and a common purpose can foster flexible, fast, and fruitful negotiations.
Each case study explains the cultural as well as political, institutional, and personal factors and assesses their influence. A concluding chapter draws out common threads from the four studies, suggests how U.S. negotiators can maximize negotiating efficacy, and points the way toward a new and clearer understanding of Japanese bargaining behavior.
After two decades of hostile confrontation, China and the United States initiated negotiations in the early 1970s to normalize relations. Senior officials of the Nixon, Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations had little experience dealing with the Chinese, but they soon learned that their counterparts from the People’s Republic were skilled negotiators.
This study of Chinese negotiating behavior explores the ways senior officials of the PRC—Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, and others—managed these high-level political negotiations with their new American “old friends.” It follows the negotiating process step by step, and concludes with guidelines for dealing with Chinese officials.
Originally written for the RAND Corporation, this study was classified because it drew on the official negotiating record. It was subsequently declassified, and RAND published the study in 1995. For this edition, Solomon has added a new introduction, and Chas Freeman has written an interpretive essay describing the ways in which Chinese negotiating behavior has, and has not, changed since the original study. The bibiliography has been updated as well.
A sectarian-based insurgency has raged in southern Thailand since January 2004, leaving three thousand dead and thousands more injured. Although southern Thailand has witnessed numerous periods of secessionist conflict, the present insurgency is different in two significant ways: it has radical jihadist overtones, and it has been marked by an unprecedented level of violence.
Drawing heavily on original research and meticulous fieldwork, Zachary Abuza brings to the fore several issues that thus far have been ignored. In this eye-opening volume, he examines the roots of the current southern Thai conflict, gives a detailed overview of the present crisis, documents the flight of the south's Buddhist community, and argues that the Thai government has woefully misplayed its hand. Perhaps more sobering, Abuza warns that international jihadist groups may ultimately involve themselves in the conflict and escalate both the intensity and lethality of it, which would have profound implications on the global war on terror.
With his careful and persuasive arguments and practical policy recommendations, Abuza draws attention to a poorly understood conflict and alerts readers to the dangers that may lie ahead for Thailand and Southeast Asia.
Northeast Asia is a region with highly disparate levels of industrialization and political systems. It also contains some very troubling security flashpoints—the Taiwan Strait, the Korean Peninsula, and the East China Sea. China’s rapacious quest for energy and rapid industrial expansion have led to intense international competition—with Japan and the United States—and internal instability as well. North Korea poses two distinct environmental security threats: “famine refugees” and the regime’s use of “nuclear blackmail” for subsidized energy. Yet there is very little regional cooperation, despite the need to manage disputes over energy, natural resources, and pervasive pollution. The Environmental Dimension of Asian Security examines these issues through a “regional environmental security complex” that explores the potential for greater intersubjective understandings of regional environmental and natural resource problems and greater institutional collaboration and management.
For most Americans, the “exit” from Indochina occurred in 1973, with the withdrawal of the U.S. military from South Vietnam. In fact, the final exit did not occur until two decades later, after the collapse of the Republic of Vietnam in 1975, the Cambodian revolution, and a decade of Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia. Only in the early 1990s were the major powers able to negotiate a settlement of the Cambodia conflict and withdraw from the region.
This book recounts the diplomacy that brought an end to great power involvement in Indochina, including the negotiations for a UN peace process in Cambodia and construction of a “road map” for normalizing U.S.-Vietnam relations. In so doing, this volume also highlights the changing character of diplomacy at the beginning of the 1990s, when, at least temporarily, an era of military confrontation among the major world powers gave way to political management of international conflicts.
Faced with domestic security challenges including sectarian extremism, drug trafficking, illegal commodity smuggling, endemic corruption, and systemic problems with the provision of justice and law enforcement, Pakistan is a critical but vulnerable partner of the United States in the global war on terrorism. While much has been written about U.S. military assistance to Pakistan and the ever-evolving political relations between the two countries, basic questions of highest policy significance related to Pakistan’s internal security have never been fully studied or considered.
In this volume, the authors offer a comprehensive examination of Pakistan’s internal security environment and the effectiveness of its criminal justice structures and assess the impact and utility of the principal United States initiatives to help Pakistan strengthen its internal security. They raise some difficult questions about present U.S. government assistance to President Musharraf and the army; while instrumental in the short-term Global War on Terror (GWOT), will US assistance seriously impede the long-term prospects for peace and prosperity in Pakistan?
Supported by truly impressive fieldwork, this timely and detailed book offers a blunt but objective study that is sure to be widely read and hotly debated by analysts, intelligence personnel, and policymakers in both the United States and Pakistan.
A terrible famine struck the most reclusive society on earth in 1994. Over the next five years, while the North Korean regime tried to hide the dreadful reality and the international community tried hard not to look, perhaps as many as 3 million people starved to death. In this powerful, provocative book, Andrew Natsios asks three overarching questions: What do we know about the origins and extent of the famine? Why did donor governments and organizations not do more to help? What are the consequences of the famine for North Korea and the lessons for the international community?
In the search for answers, Natsios supplements the scanty store of published sources by drawing on the testimony of thousands of refugees, on thousands of e-mails he received while heading an NGO effort to aid the victims, and on his own encounters with officials from North Korea as well as from Western governments. The picture he presents is a disturbing one: human misery on a biblical scale, a paranoid regime that sacrificed its own citizens to ideological rigidity and pride, and foreign governments that subordinated humanitarian impulses to political and diplomatic interests.
A compelling and revealing book for specialists and general readers alike,The Great North Korean Famine takes us not only behind the well-guarded borders of the brutally incompetent “Hermit Kingdom” but also into the policymaking labyrinth where ethics and politics clash in the struggle to shape foreign policy.
This revealing and challenging study of the impact of famine on North Korea not only significantly enlarges our understanding of that hermetic country but also urges us to reassess how we deal with it.
Drawing on impressive scholarship and extensive firsthand knowledge of humanitarian relief efforts in North Korea, Hazel Smith provides an eye-opening account of the famine that devastated the country in the 1990s and of the international rescue program that Pyongyang requested and received. Together, she explains, the famine and the humanitarian response have wrought subtle but profound changes in North Korea's economy, society, and security outlook. She makes a compelling argument that the regime has been prodded into accepting some international norms, allowed markets to develop, and has included some human security concerns alongside military-political interests in its negotiations with the West.
The famine and its consequences, the author contends, have made North Korea much more "knowable" and predictable than most Western experts choose to believe. Treating North Korea as a rational actor, albeit one with an idiosyncratic mindset, will enhance long-term regional peace and cooperation; isolating and demonizing it will only perpetuate the anxieties that fuel Pyongyang's belligerence.
India-Pakistan relations have been laden with hostility, mistrust, and historical grievances since the end of British rule in 1947. This animosity has resulted in three wars, the Kargil Crisis, and many near-conflicts. India and Pakistan have also attempted to settle disputes and normalize relations through diplomatic negotiations, some successful and others not. Over the past two years, they have sustained an ongoing negotiation process to improve relations on crosscutting issues from Kashmir to trade and transportation. These talks have continued through changes of political leadership and party control, but can India and Pakistan escape their history of stalled and even failed negotiations?
This book provides a historical and current review of the trends of six key India-Pakistan negotiations, largely over shared resources and political boundaries. Pre-independence political leadership and negotiations that led to the partitioning of British India into these two nation-states provide insight on subsequent India-Pakistan negotiations. Reviewing these critical negotiations shows how both countries must exert robust, creative, and enduring leadership to achieve concrete, broad-based improvement in their bilateral relations, and ultimately, South Asian regional security.
Errata, p. 40. Shamshad Ahmad, not Najmuddin Sheikh, was Pakistan’s foreign secretary during the “composite dialogue.”